Se não foi de propósito...

Chamem-lhe o que quiserem, mas mesmo um chefe de polícia muito estúpido teria grandes dificuldades em levar à vista documentos sobre uma operação anti-terrorista para um encontro com o primeiro-ministro. As pastinhas escuras com insígnias muitos vistosas há muito que fazem parte dos adereços de qualquer cão-de-guarda... Ou realmente a operação era uma treta para distrair o povo da crise e manter a regra do medo, ou então era mesmo para provocar o despedimento...






... e permitir a chegada do novo chefe...

Portugal visto desde Inglaterra...

Um artigo sobre o caso McCann, publicado no jornal britânico "Mail on Sunday", no passado dia 20, o autor, David Rose, recorda Rachel Charles, uma menina inglesa de nove anos, morta em 1990, no Algarve...



O caso levou depois à condenação de um cidadão britânico, Michael Cook, mas houve acusações de tortura por parte da polícia portuguesa:

"It is claimed that Cook was hung from an upstairs window by his feet, that his feet were beaten until he could not stand, that he was tied to a chair and beaten, that he was deprived of sleep and that a revolver was forced into his mouth and the trigger pulled in a mock execution".

Este caso, recorde-se, provocou uma série de perguntas no Parlamento Britânico, em 1992.

David Rose abordou ainda o caso Joana e, mais uma vez, escreveu sobre a tortura:

"They threw her to the ground, kicked her and hit her with a cardboard tube. They put a plastic bag over her head, made her kneel on glass ashtrays . .. The accused believed that by causing her intense suffering, they would force her to tell them how she killed her child and where she put the body".

Tudo para concluir que Kate McCann, afinal, até chorava no início do caso...

"According to the Portuguese Press, one factor that influenced his desire to make the McCanns arguidos was Kate's supposedly 'cold' demeanour in dealing with police and on television. In fact, as the photo published on Section 2's Page 1 today makes clear, the first known image taken of Kate on the morning after Madeleine's disappearance, she was distraught".



Mas, já agora, quem é o jornalista David Rose?

"One of the things that made me uneasy about my lunches with MI5 and MI6, which usually took place at very expensive restaurants, is that, in a reversal of usual journalistic practice, the agency men insisted on paying, often with wads of cash, presumably to protect their 'cover'"...

Ok.

Conversas nada secretas

Em Londres prossegue inquérito à morte de Diana. Durante o dia de hoje foram interrogados vários profissionais dos serviços secretos identificados apenas por uma letra.

Através deste diálogo fiquei a saber que um motorista francês morto pode dar origem à abertura de um ficheiro pessoal no MI6, enquanto que membros vivos da família real britânica "nil":

"(...)
- MR BURNETT: Sir, we were about to look at one of the telegrams from November 1997. Mr Foley has the INQ number and it is coming up now. Perhaps I can just read it and ask you some questions as we go along. I think it will be the first and probably the only one of these that we will see. It is described as a 'in telegram', which we assume means coming into London headquarters.
- Coming in from Paris, yes.
- It is from Paris to London. The date we see is 5th November 1997. If we could go down, those parts that have not been redacted say this: 'Witness 7 spoke to DST [and we have heard who they are] on 4th November and saw him the following morning. The Ritz was still crawling with members of the Brigade Criminelle of the Police Judiciaire investigating the Princess of Wales' death.' Then there is a comment made, this presumably by witness 7, who sent this.
- Yes, that is correct.
- 'Presumably, as head of security there, Henri Paul had been a contact of DST and they would have such a capacity again.' So this is a telegram, and it was your electronic search of all telegrams that threw up the word 'Ritz' that we saw in paragraph 2?
- That is correct. I should just say that it would also -- you would pick it up on Henri Paul as well in a different search.
(...)
- Sir Richard Dearlove told us that he was confident that SIS were not eavesdropping/monitoring anything at all, surveillance to do with Diana and Dodi, and is that --
- No, nothing whatsoever.
- And you can confirm that?
- I can confirm that.
- Had there been any MI6 interest in the relationship between Dodi and Diana, would that have shown up in the records?
- Yes, it would.
- And there was nothing?
- It is not that I am trying to be rude in any way, there was just no interest. It is not our sort of thing.
- Therefore, the records, do they or do they not confirm Sir Richard Dearlove's evidence that SIS simply had no interest whatsoever in Dodi or in Diana or in them jointly?
- No, we had no interest whatsoever.
- As far as Henri Paul is concerned -- again, perhaps we can take this quite quickly -- did you check to see whether there was a card for Henri Paul?
- Yes, I did.
- Was there?
- Yes, there was. The card was originated -- as you can see from this telegram of 5th November, that has the 'Henri Paul' name in it and so the card was created as a result of this entry on the telegram.
- So we looked at the telegram, and that was 5th November 1997?
- Yes.
- The reference came about because of information picked up by someone in Paris long after the crash?
- Yes.
- So that is an example, is it, of how a card might come to be created --
- Yes, exactly.
- -- and in this instance, even in respect of someone who has sadly already died?
- Yes.
- Does it follow, then, that there was no card in existence for Henri Paul before 5th November?
- No, there was not a card for him pre.
- Had he been of interest to SIS or in any way worked for SIS, would there have been a card?
- Yes, there definitely would have been a card.
- Similarly, did you look to see if there was a P file on Henri Paul?
- Yes, I did.
- And was there?
- No, there was not.
- Did you carry out similar inquiries in respect of James Andanson?
- Yes, I did.
- With what result?
- Nil results.
- So no card and --
- I am so sorry, no card and no file.
- Thus, what is your conclusion in respect of a suggestion that Andanson was in touch in some way with SIS?
- He could not have been in touch with us without me finding a reference to him within one of our databases.
- Did you also do a similar search in respect of His Royal Highness, the Duke of Edinburgh?
- I did.
- With what result?
- No, result at all.
- So, similarly, he does not have a card nor does he have a P file?
- I would like to say at this stage, sir, that we don't hold either cards or files on the Royal Family. I could do a search on all of them.
- You have nothing?
- No.
- So as far as the Duke of Edinburgh is concerned, you say in your statement that you are aware that he occasionally made official visits to the service --
- Yes.
- -- but that that would not generate a card.
- No, it would not, no.
(...)"

Depois, hoje aprendi uma nova palavra em inglês: "Taradiddles":

"(...)
- Because all sorts of people may be telling taradiddles, mightn't they?
- I am sorry, may be telling ...?
- I am sorry, it is an old-fashioned phrase. Maybe a phrase which I know is familiar in the service, 'economic with the truth'. People may do that, may they not?
(...)"

Fiquei ainda a saber que pessoas contratadas pelos serviços secretos britânicos no exterior podem fazer o que bem lhes apetecer, desde que estejam no seu tempo livre...

"(...)
- But would that surprise you if somebody abroad, working for MI6, destroyed documents?
- I do not think you are talking about a member of the service there, are you, as a member of staff? You are talking about a contact of the service, and I would not be necessarily surprised about a contact of the service because what people do in their own time is what they do in their own time.
(...)"

Quando a conversa abordou a denúncia do antigo ex-agente do MI6, Richard tomlinson, sobre o plano para matar Milosevic, o interrogatório teve momentos dignos de registo (os links referentes às armas laser que a agente do MI6 diz desconhecer são da minha responsabilidade):

"(...)
- Was there an audit trail for Mr A's plan which has been referred to as the 'assassination of Milosevic'?
- No, because it never got past the idea stage in any way. It was absolutely considered a ridiculous idea.
- So 'ephemeral' is a synonym for 'deniability', isn't it?
- LORD JUSTICE SCOTT BAKER: Mr Keen, we did have evidence last week from Sir Richard Dearlove, and he distinguished quite clearly between deniability outside and deniability within the service, which was very firmly not something that was ever countenanced.
- With respect, sir, he did not tell us anything about a 'Special ephemeral messages' file that contained documentation pertaining to Mr A's plan for the assassination of Milosevic or some other Yugoslavian leader, so we don't know what his position would have been on that. Had he told us about it, we could have examined him about it.
- LORD JUSTICE SCOTT BAKER: I thought he had covered the position.
- MR KEEN: What you have told us so far, Miss X, if I understand your evidence, is that the Secret Intelligence Service really do have documents containing proposals for, amongst other things, an assassination circulating around their offices without any record of their existence, the most obvious example being Mr A's proposal.
- Yes, as I have said, but I am happy to say again, it did not circulate around the office because it did not actually become a formal document.
- So if it does not become a formal document, as you describe it, no record of its existence can be found; is that your evidence?
- Yes, I think it is.
(...)
- Now, Mr Tomlinson, when he described this plan, explained that it referred to an individual who was of interest to the Secret Intelligence Service. He said it was Milosevic. The Secret Intelligence Service have countered that by saying that it was in fact another person in the then Yugoslavia.
- Yes, it is referring to another person anyway, yes.
- Has that other person since been assassinated, Miss X?
- I think that is probably edging closer to the area --
- MR TAM: Sir, I have thought about that for a moment because the 'neither confirm nor deny' principle would apply there as well.
- LORD JUSTICE SCOTT BAKER: Yes.
(...)
- I am afraid I do not know anything about lasers at all.
- Let me put some suggestions to you. They will be very quick --
- MR TAM: Sir, if the witness has already indicated she does not know anything about it, then it is really badgering her to be trying to put specific examples.
- LORD JUSTICE SCOTT BAKER: We had better hear what they are first, the questions.
- MR CROXFORD: In my most avuncular fashion, I doubt I could badger this witness. Something called an 'Outfit DEC', does it ring a bell?
- Terribly sorry, it does not, no.
- Or a 'Dazzle-sight LDS'?
- No, sorry.
- A red laser or a green laser?
- I am going to sound very thick again. I have heard of the word 'laser'.
- Very well. We are going to be in competition, you, me, the Coroner and Mr Mansfield before long, for being antediluvian. I am not going to go any further down lasers.
(...)
- The way you put it in the paper is: 'Only a complete idiot would have thought it somehow in his country's interest to assassinate a leader during peace talks sponsored by one's country, ie I would have had to get a submission through the FCO suggesting that we kill a leader identified at that time by FCO, Owen [that is Lord Owen], Vance [that is Cyrus Vance] as the only man in the Balkans with the smack to deliver a possible peace deal.' So is the point that you are making that it would have been completely irrational to contemplate doing anything adverse to Milosevic given the hopes that people had invested in him at the time?
- Yes, it would have just been completely absurd. The whole policy of HMG at that time -- and this can be checked from looking at the diplomatic negotiations at the time -- was to try to work with Milosevic. There was a belief, which may well have been misfounded, but it was a genuine belief underpinning British philosophy that Milosevic could secure a peace deal in Yugoslavia by using his influence over Karadzic, who was the guy that was in charge of the Bosnian Serbs who were behind a lot of the trouble there. So to take Milosevic out of the equation in 1993 would be absolutely absurd.
(...)"

O MI6 não matou a Princesa Diana

Hoje foi um dia histórico, embora o facto deva passar despercebido a muita gente. Richard Dearlove, antigo director dos serviços secretos britânicos no exterior, MI6, esteve a testemunhar no inquérito à morte da princesa Diana, facto que representa uma novidade ímpar em relação à exposição pública do "Secret Intelligence Service" (SIS), conforme o próprio explicou:

"(...)
- Well, if you respond to an allegation, you create an expectation that you will always comment or question or answer a question when one is posed about the activities of the service. Therefore, in the interests of national security, the better choice is to say nothing, and that includes denying allegations, even though the allegations may be untrue. So it is a sensible policy which has been followed for a long time and has been endorsed by successive governments.
- Now you are here in part to deny the allegations, which would appear to be a departure from the usual policy.
- I am on this occasion. When matters of let's say grave concern arise, rare exceptions of policy are made, and obviously, in this particular instance in this court, I think one can understand why an exception is being made
(...)"



Como seria de esperar, houve diálogos bem interessantes e relevantes sobre as práticas dos serviços secretos no país da Sua Majestade, que, afinal, não são muito diferentes daquilo se suspeitava:

"(...)
- Can I ask you about how line management operated for people who were posted abroad? I would just like to lay a little bit of ground. We have heard from Sir Michael Jay as he was, Lord Jay now, that there were SIS officers posted to the Paris Embassy and he told us, I think, that it is called a 'station'. Would I be right in thinking that SIS has stations in a number of countries abroad?
- Let us say in a number of countries.
- It would be perhaps rather surprising if they did not?
- I think it would.
- And Paris was one of those where there was an SIS station?
- Yes. In this instance, I think we can acknowledge that.
- I do not think the world will stop rotating on that one, Sir Richard.
(...)
- Now how, in practical terms, did the process work? One imagines that there was an idea, somebody said -- let's take a hypothetical example. Somebody says, 'We need to break into this office to put a bug in there'. It is entirely hypothetical. How does it come up the chain and what is the recording of it and the process?
- There would be a plan written and described from the appropriate section. It would come up through several managerial filters as to whether the proposal was viable. That proposal would also have to include a passage of legal compliance. So there would be a reference as to whether the proposed act would be lawful under an ISA authorisation. When the paperwork was completed, in essence -- and I mean, this would apply, let's say, to an initiative overseas as much as to an initiative that was developed within head office -- and once those papers were completed, they would be signed off by, let's say, the senior regional official. They would come to me for further signature and then they would go down restricted channels to the Foreign Secretary.
- LORD JUSTICE SCOTT BAKER: You have not mentioned the ambassador of whichever place we are talking about.
- MR BURNETT: That was my next point, sir.
- If the proposal was originated in the field overseas, there would have to be a passage in that proposal which reported the ambassador's views, so that the local -- we have used the phrase already -- head of station would have had a discussion with the ambassador and the views of the ambassador would be included within the papers which would be sent by me to the Foreign Secretary.
(...)"

Nada supreeendente foi a negação de que o príncipe Filipe tem pouco contacto com o MI6: "It is completely off the map"...

"(...)
- Now, you are aware, aren't you, that it is suggested that the French security apparatus and the French police and the French medical services and the French pathological services -- I think that is all of the French -- were in on a plot of some sort which would suggest, Sir Richard, that you in MI6 or Prince Philip -- and we will come to him in a moment -- somehow could control the French state. Now I must give you an opportunity to comment on those allegations.
- Well, it is a mischievous and fanciful allegation.
- Can I turn to Prince Philip? Again, so that one understands what is being suggested, stripped to its bare bones, it is that Prince Philip was in a position to direct MI6 operationally and that he did so from Balmoral Castle, with the Prince of Wales' involvement, Lord Fellowes, Lord Jay, various others, and executed a conspiracy which resulted in the deaths of Dodi Al Fayed and the Princess of Wales. I am putting it simply and without any hyperbole. What was Prince Philip's relationship with the Secret Intelligence Service in the mid-1990s, but please cover the whole period if there is any difference?
- Absolutely nothing of substance. I say 'nothing of substance' because I think there were one or two occasions when he visited the service as Her Majesty's consort.
- Now, we have heard -- again, it would come as no surprise to anybody -- that the service would be involved in providing security advice for foreign visits of the Royal Family.
- Occasionally.
- But to the suggestion that --
- But I might say not directly. The security assessments would be gathered through the embassy to which the service might make a contribution.
- So to the suggestion that Prince Philip was an active operational member of MI6, what do you say?
- I can say nothing other than it is utterly ridiculous.
- Is the same true of Prince Charles?
- The same is true of Prince Charles.
- Now, it is suggested -- again, I try to strip it to the bare bones -- that Prince Philip and the intelligence agencies really run this country and that we are not a Parliamentary democracy at all. Again, I must give you an opportunity to comment on an allegation that you, as head of MI6, and no doubt your counterparts in the other agencies are in fact running this country behind the scenes with Prince Philip.
- I do not want to be flippant. I am tempted to say I am flattered, but once again, this is such an absurd allegation. It is difficult to deal with an allegation which is so absurd. It is completely off the map. I cannot think of any other way of saying it.
(...)"

A melhor parte, contudo, foi quando se discutiu o plano do atentado a Milosevic denunciado por um ex-agente do MI6, Richard Tomlinson. O antigo chefe dos serviços secretos confirmou a sua existência e apresentou uma justificação para o facto do mesmo nunca ter sido colocado em prática:

"(...)
- Well, the proposal was essentially rejected -- I would say killed stone dead -- by the officer's line managers on the basis that his idea was out of touch with service practice, service ethos and that it was not a proposal to which any serious consideration would be given.
(...)"

Uma resposta que mereceu uma observação assaz acertada e permitiu recordar um outro plano, este denunciado pelo ex-agente do MI5, David Shayler, que foi negado:

"(...)
- The question arises how, if you are right in saying that SIS does not contemplate assassination, one of its officers could have raised the possibility and committed it to writing in 1992 or 1993.
- A very unusual event, I agree, but the service does not control the thoughts of its officers and did not in this particular instance, clearly. But I think that the immediate reaction of the officer's line management to this suggestion shows a very consistent attitude to the issue of assassination which I have previously described. So the fact that the idea was so categorically rejected at a level immediately above the officer -- you know, it has not gone through stages upwards -- I think
5 indicates very clearly indeed what I have said about SIS's attitude to assassination and, by implication, Her Majesty's Government's attitude to assassination.
- Now, there is a very well-known allegation of planned assassination that I wish to ask you about. It has been suggested widely and publicly that, in February 1996, SIS conspired with one of its Libyan agents to assassinate Colonel Gaddafi. Now, first of all, just to locate that in time, you were head of operations at the time.
- I was indeed head of operations at the time.
- Were you the chief of the service when that allegation emerged publicly?
- Yes, I was.
- Is it true?
- No, it is not true, and I think one should add that -- this is an allegation that was made by a former Security Service officer, David Shayler. It was fully investigated by the Metropolitan Police, who sent a team into SIS. They were given full access, full cooperation, and it was shown as a result of their investigation that Shayler's allegations were without substance.
- Now, Shayler, you say, was a former Security Service officer; that is MI5 --
- MI5.
- -- not MI6, as it happens.
- Not MI6.
- So investigated by the Metropolitan Police?
- An independent police investigation, which was ordered by the Crown Prosecution Service.
(...)"

Finalmente, durante as palavras finais entre o representante legal de Al Fayed, Michael Mansfield, Richard Dearlove e o juiz Scott Baker, introduziu uma ideia que, creio, poderá vir a dar que falar...

"(...)
- The reason I am putting it to you, so that it is clear you see, I want to suggest that if there were elements of the security services who wanted to do something without your knowledge, it is not difficult. It was not difficult then, was it?
- It would be very difficult to do. You used the words, 'to do something'. I am not quite sure what you men by that, but it would be very difficult to do something, if not impossible, as I have described.
LORD JUSTICE SCOTT BAKER: But, Mr Mansfield, I thought Mr Al Fayed's whole case, if I can put it that way, is built on the fact that this was not something that was done without the knowledge of those running MI6; this was their scheme.
- MR MANSFIELD: Yes, I appreciate. May I make it very clear, Mr Fayed -- an observation was made yesterday -- has certain beliefs which he has made clear. He is plainly not a member of MI6 or, certainly, the establishment either. He has certain beliefs and I have never at any stage withdrawn any of his beliefs but you will see I have focused very carefully on elements of what he is suggesting that may be true; in other words, for which there is, forensically, evidence to support his beliefs. May I make it perfectly clear that this jury and you, sir, will not be just considering at the end of day in an inquest of this kind whether the beliefs as expressed by Mohamed Al Fayed are supported on every front. There are other possibilities --
- LORD JUSTICE SCOTT BAKER: I am well aware of that --
- MR MANSFIELD: And this is one.
- LORD JUSTICE SCOTT BAKER: The other possibilities have to be supported by evidence. Well, everything has to be supported by evidence.
- MR MANSFIELD: I am only examining with this witness --
- LORD JUSTICE SCOTT BAKER: But there is a limit to how far you can dig on matters on which there is no evidence and not even an assertion.
- MR MANSFIELD: Well, there is evidence here, may I say straightaway and I am not dealing with assertion. We had a witness only this time last week who made it very clear that his belief was that the materials he had were relevant to what happened in Paris. Not only did he have that belief, he had obviously his experience and he went straight to the French authorities with it. Therefore, on the back of that, I am entitled to ask this witness, since there are obvious similarities, as he drew last week, to ask this jury to consider through you the possibility that elements within the security services, which again is consistent with Mohamed Al Fayed's belief, elements within the security services in 1997 were responsible not just for drawing up a plan but the possibility that in fact one or more of them may have been responsible for what happened.
- LORD JUSTICE SCOTT BAKER: So Prince Philip bypassed the top people and went to somebody else?
- MR MANSFIELD: No, sir. I do not have any evidence at the moment and I have made it very clear that there are all sorts of individuals that I have not accused of anything.
- LORD JUSTICE SCOTT BAKER: Well, I have not stopped you yet but I am simply warning you that there is a limit to how far one can go on these things.
- MR MANSFIELD: Well, sir, I have kept it very contained so far and I have been very focused; I have come straight in on what the jury has heard.
(...)"

Fica o "link" para continuar a "assistir" ao inquérito à morte da Princesa Diana.

Meanwhile, em Londres...

... prossegue o inquérito à morte da Princesa Diana. Há dias, o antigo mordomo de Diana, Paul Burrel, confessou que mentira e hoje, finalmente, chegou a vez de Mohamed Al Fayed falar:




"(...)
- Then, the next point you mention is the blood, isn't it, Mr Al Fayed?
- Yes. What you want -- the whole thing has been that Henri Paul was drunk. Fine. It is proved black and white that the blood been taken was not Henri Paul's blood. The blood been taken from somebody was in the mortuary who had been breathing carbon monoxide by the two pathologists who refused to appear because they know that their argument is false and baloney and it was not facts. What do you want? Can you tell me? Everybody saw and the jury saw the witness, and the professors, the pathologists, the technicians, highly respected, have proved that Henri Paul's blood was not Henri Paul's blood.
- So you believe the results were cooked, as you put it?
- Definitely.
- And deliberately so by Professors Lecomte and Pepin?
- Yes. Why did they refuse to come here...
- Just so that we are clear, Mr Al Fayed, it is your belief that Professors Lecomte and Pepin were, from the very beginning, engaged in a cover-up?
- Definitely, by the French intelligence, because the French intelligence helped the British intelligence to execute the murder, and without their help, without giving all the facilities in the tunnel, switches the camera, doing everything possible to help an MI6 officer to secure the murder.
- That is the whole of the French establishment?
- It is not the French establishment. It is the French intelligence.
- And the police?
- And the French police also.
- And the French medical services, through Lecomte and Pepin?
- The French intelligence and the British intelligence, they have their stooges, their agents, everywhere.
- And that includes Professors Lecomte and Pepin?
- Absolutely.
- I see. The last point that you particularly wanted to emphasise to the jury concerns dark forces.
- Richard Tomlinson told me, a few months after the crash, that he had seen a plot to kill Milosevic in the tunnel, just like my son and Princess Diana. I believe him and I believe the evidence that he gave to the inquest, very convincing, that MI6 assassinates people of great importance and relevance. He believes there is a file which the security service have on me which -- where is that file? He believes that there is a file on the paparazzi member in the pay of security services. This is likely to be James Andanson, who has executed the murder in his own Fiat, pushed the car, and the strobe lights have been used to blind Henri Paul.
- Can I just interrupt you there to check that I understand what you are saying? It is your belief then that James Andanson was driving the Fiat Uno at the time?
- Definitely.
- And that he was later murdered?
- Yes.
- I see.
- He has been later murdered because... for the security service, avoiding that he will again turn against them and say exactly what happened.
- I see.

(...)

- Where we were, Mr Al Fayed, the extent of this conspiracy: Prince Philip at its heart?
- That is right.
- Prince Charles, you said this morning?
- Definitely a participant because he has interests and he wants to get rid of Diana and he would like to marry Camilla.
- Anyone else in the Royal Household?
- But those are the main ones.
- We have not heard this today, but it features in a letter that you wrote in February 2006: the Prime Minister, Tony Blair.
- I do not remember. If you have a copy?
- I do not have a copy but I will read you one paragraph from it. It is a letter that you wrote to the Right Honourable Paul Murphy of the Intelligence and Security Committee. It is dated 14th February 2006. You mention that the security services were acting on the orders of the Royal Family and these are your words 'the Prime Minister and his senior henchmen', and you went on to say this: 'There is equally no doubt in my mind that such a momentous and horrific action would have been directly sanctioned by the Prime Minister.' So can we add him to the list, Mr Al Fayed?
- What are you asking me for? Can you tell me what you are asking now?
- Mr Al Fayed, the list of conspirators; those who are involved in the manner in which I have described in this murderous plot.
- Yes.
- We can add Tony Blair to that list, can we?
- You can, because I am sure he knows what they are going to do, definitely.
- And you say in that letter: 'Not only is Tony Blair involved, but also his senior henchmen.' Now, who did you mean by 'his senior henchmen'?
- Maybe his chief of staff.
- His chief of staff?
- Yes.
- And the Foreign Secretary of the day, Robin Cook, he must have been involved?
- It is a possibility. You can say that the embalming order has to come from someone very high. The Ambassador will not execute such order; only he had been instructed...
- LORD JUSTICE SCOTT BAKER: I think he was in the Far East at the time, wasn't he? I suppose he could have been contacted by telephone.
- Possible.
- MR HORWELL: Lord Fellowes, we heard this morning.
- Yes.
- He was manning a operations centre at the British Embassy and sent messages, I think you have said in the past, to GCHQ?
- Yes, but this is what I have been told. I know these things can happen because he is the Private Secretary of the Queen, right?
- Lord Fellowes we add to the list?
- Yes.
- We heard this morning that Lord Jay should be added to the list; a British Ambassador who knew in advance of the Princess's visit to Paris...
- That is right.
- ... and no doubt played his part in the events that took place. You have said in the past that Lord Jay ordered the embalming to ensure that there would be no evidence to show that Princess Diana was pregnant.
- That is right.
- So we add him to the list. MI5, MI6, CIA and the DGSE, the French intelligence services; we add them to the list?
- Right.
- Judge Stephan...
- Right.
- ... we heard this morning. The French SAMU, the ambulance service and the French doctors; they played their part in ensuring that Princess Diana would die...
- Possibility, yes.
- ... and delayed her arrival at hospital to ensure that she would die?
- Yes, but this is the logic thoughts of taking her to a far away hospital and there was a hospital 10 minutes or 15 minutes from the accident.
- LORD JUSTICE SCOTT BAKER: Have I understood you this morning to say not all of them, but that MI6 would have an agent there among them?
- Possibly ... yes, of course, of course.
- MR HORWELL: And, of course, the French scientists, Professors Lecomte and Pepin...
- Right.
- ... involved?
- Definitely. Why didn't they want to appear as witnesses?"